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Callimachus The Hymns

EDUCATIONAL AND PROFESSIONAL HISTORY - clasuiowaedu

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Translation and Commentary)

Description

Callimac h u s

L Callimac h u s'T HE HYM N S

Edited with Introduction,

Translation,

Susan A

Stephens

It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research,

and education by publishing worldwide

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Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue,

New York,

NY 10016 © Oxford University Press 2015 All rights reserved

No part of this publication may be reproduced,

without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press,

or as expressly permitted by law,

or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization

Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department,

Oxford University Press,

You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer

A copy of this book’s Cataloging-in-Publication Data is on file with the Library of Congress

ISBN 978–0–19–978304–5

1╇3╇5╇7╇9╇8╇6╇4╇2 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

Contents LL

Preface╇vii Illustrations╇ix Abbreviations╇xi Maps╇xv Introduction╇3 1

╇ The Hymn to Zeus╇47 2

╇ The Hymn to Apollo╇72 3

╇ The Hymn to Artemis 100 4

╇ The Hymn to Delos╇157 5

╇ The Hymn to Athena On the Bath of Pallas╇233 6

╇ The Hymn to Demeter╇263 Works Cited╇ 299 Index of Subjects╇ 307 Index of Selected Greek Words Discussed╇ 311 Index of Passages Discussed╇ 313

Preface LL

My goal in writing this commentary is to provide readers with a convenient and accessible edition of all six of Callimachus’ hymns in one volume,

accompanied by notes sufficient for ease of reading

That such an edition does not already exist is my justification for undertaking the task,

especially given the importance of this poet and the fact that the hymns and epigrams are his only complete works

In keeping with Callimachus’ own stated poetic practice this is not a μέγα βιβλίον

thus constraints of space have required a certain amount of triage: the linguistic,

and cultic material I provide will necessarily lack the wealth of scholarly detail provided by those commentaries on individual hymns produced mainly in the 1970s and 1980s

Like all writers of commentaries I have depended heavily on my predecessors,

though experience in teaching and in writing on the hymns has led me considerably to reduce the amount of linguistic detail (particularly about Homeric usage) and commensurately to increase parallels from tragedy and lyric

Also I situate Callimachus’ divinities as much as possible within the context of cult practices relevant to early Ptolemaic Alexandria and Cyrene

I have tried to keep always before the reader the fact that Callimachus was a poet

thus literary parallels are selected in the main for their allusive potential and references kept,

to easily accessed secondary materials

The translations do no more than aim for clarity and are intended to provide the reader with my understanding of the text

It is my pleasure to acknowledge the colleagues who have offered encouragement,

and the generous donation of their time in reading various versions of this manuscript

Richard Martin has patiently enlightened me about many Homeric minutiae

Jim Clauss and Alex Sens have provided comments on individual hymns,

but I am especially grateful for their perceptive advice about rethinking the shape of the whole

Keyne Cheshire,

Ivana Petrovic,

and Massimo Giuseppetti read and commented on individual hymns,

and in addition provided me with their own work in advance of publication,

from which I learned more than I can say

Flora Manakidou has very generously provided me with her forthcoming work on

Preface

the Hymn to Athena and with a copy of her 2013 commentary

Dirk Obbink and Daniela Colomo very kindly facilitated my examination of hymns papyri

Israel McMullin has given me the student’s perspective on what is useful (or more often,

Jon Weiland has drawn the maps

Aaron Palmore and John Richards have helped with the proof reading

Andrew Dyck has done an exemplary job of editing and indexing (what errors remain are my own)

Mark Edwards has read and commented on the whole and been particularly helpful with the metrical sections and in providing Homeric parallels

All of these individuals have facilitated the process of writing this commentary

However,

I owe a special debt of gratitude to Marco Fantuzzi and Benjamin Acosta-Hughes,

who have read through the whole manuscript more than once

Their learned advice has considerably improved what I now present,

and I hope that in some measure it repays their efforts

Last but not least,

I would like to thank the Press for their patience and support

Illustrations LL

╇Hieroglyphic for king of Upper (sedge) and Lower (bee) Egypt

Detail of the Rosetta Stone

© The Trustees of the British Museum

╇ 68 2

╇Cyrene Apollo

© The Trustees of the British Museum / Art Resource,

╇88 3

╇Chariot carrying kalathos: coin,

Catalogue 30

© The Trustees of the British Museum

╇ 276

Abbreviations LL

Greek authors follow LSJ,

and standard abbreviations for periodicals and editions of papyri are used,

though they are sometimes expanded for clarity

Callimachus’ fragments are cited by Pfeiffer’s numbers,

except for the Hecale (cited by Hollis’ numbers) and those fragments of the Aetia not in Pfeiffer (cited by Harder’s numbers)

The following abbreviations are used throughout: A-B Anacreontea AP Buck Bühler Chantraine Chantraine ED Denniston D-K FGrH Goodwin MT Gow GLP

Austin and G

Bastianini,

Posidippi Pellaei quae supersunt omnia (Milan,

Anacreontea (Leipzig,

Anthologia Palatina

The Greek Dialects: Grammar,

Selected Inscriptions,

Glossary (Chicago,

Bühler,

Die Europa des Moschos (Wiesbaden,

Chantraine,

Grammaire homerique

1958–62)

Chantraine,

Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque: histoire des mots (Paris,

Denniston,

Greek Particles

2nd edn

Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker,

6th edn

1951–52)

Jacoby,

Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Berlin and Leiden,

1923–58)

Goodwin,

Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb (New York,

Theocritus: Edited with a Translation and Commentary

Greek Literary Papyri,

G-P IEG2 IG Kidd LIMC LSJ M-W OGIS PCG Pf

PGM PMG Powell RE Rose Schmitt SEG SH SIG S-M Smyth Spanoudakis TrGF V Th

Abbreviations

Gow and D

Hellenistic Epigrams,

Iambi et elegi Graeci

2nd edn

1989–92)

Inscriptiones Graecae (Berlin 1873–)

Aratus: Phaenomena (Cambridge,

Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae,

1981–99)

Liddell et al

A Greek-English Lexicon,

9th edn

Merkelbach and M

Fragmenta Hesiodea

3rd edn

Dittenberger,

Orientis Graeci inscriptiones selectae,

1903–5)

Kassel and C

Austin,

Poetae comici Graeci

Pfeiffer,

Callimachus

1949–53)

Preisendanz,

Papyri Graecae magicae (Leipzig,

Poetae melici Graeci (Oxford,

Powell,

Collectanea Alexandrina (Oxford,

Wissowa and W

Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft

34 vols

in 68 + index and 15 supplements

Stuttgart,

Aristotelis fragmenta

2nd edn

Schmitt,

Die Nominalbildung in den Dichtungen des Kallimachos von Kyrene (Wiesbaden,

Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum (Leiden,

1923–)

Lloyd-Jones and P

Parsons,

Supplementum Hellenisticum (Berlin and New York,

Dittenberger,

Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum

3rd edn

1915–24)

Snell and H

Maehler,

Pindarus

Greek Grammar,

Messing (Cambridge,

Spanoudakis,

Philitas of Cos (Leiden,

Kannicht,

Tragicorum Graecorum fragmenta

Sappho et Alcaeus

Fragmenta (Amsterdam,

Hesiod,

Theogony (Oxford,

Abbreviations

Hesiod,

Works and Days (Oxford 1978,

Wilamowitz,

Hellenistische Dichtung

1931–32)

Editors of Callimachus Cited by Name Asper Blomfield Bornmann Bulloch Cahen D’Alessio Ernesti

Gigante Lanzara Harder Hollis Hopkinson Kuiper Mair McLennan Meineke Mineur Pfeiffer Schneider Wilamowitz Williams

Kallimachos Werke (Darmstadt,

Blomfield,

Callimachi quae supersunt (London,

Bornmann,

Callimachi Hymnus in Dianam

Biblioteca di Studi Superiori 55 (Florence,

Bulloch,

Callimachus: The Fifth Hymn (Cambridge,

Callimaque (Paris,

D’Alessio,

Callimaco

Epigrammi,

2nd edn

Ernesti,

Callimachi hymni epigrammata et fragmenta cum notis

quibus accedunt Ezechielis Spanhemii commentarii & notae Tiberii Hemsterhusii et Davidis Ruhnkenii

Gigante Lanzara,

Callimaco

Inno a Delo (Pisa,

Harder,

Callimachus,

Introduction,

Text and Translation

Commentary

Hollis,

Callimachus: Hecale

Introduction,

Translation,

2nd edn

Hopkinson,

Callimachus: The Hymn to Demeter (Cambridge,

Kuiper,

Studia Callimachea

De hymnorum I-IV dictione epica (Leiden,

Callimachus

Hymns and Epigrams (Cambridge,

MA and London,

1921 [repr

McLennan,

Callimachus,

Hymn to Zeus

Introduction and Commentary (Rome,

Meineke,

Callimachi hymni et epigrammata (Berlin,

Mineur,

Callimachus

Hymn to Delos

Introduction and Commentary

Mnemosyne Supplement 83 (Leiden,

See above Pf

Schneider,

Callimachea,

Callimachi hymni et epigrammata (Berlin,

Williams,

Callimachus,

Hymn to Apollo (Oxford,

Abbreviations

The following abbreviations are used for Callimachus’ hymns: hZeus (Hymn to Zeus),

hAp (Hymn to Apollo),

hArt (Hymn to Artemis),

hDelos (Hymn to Delos),

hAth (Hymn to Athena,

On the Bath of Pallas),

hDem (Hymn to Demeter)

Homeric hymns are abbreviated as follows: HhDion (Homeric Hymn to Dionysus),

HhDem (Homeric Hymn to Demeter),

HhAp (Homeric Hymn to Apollo),

HhHerm (Homeric Hymn to Hermes),

HhAphr (Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite),

HhPan (Homeric Hymn to Pan)

other Homeric hymns are cited by number

Athens Mt

Lycaeon

Hymn to Zeus

Alexandria

Hymn to Apollo

MAP 1╇ Movement from North to South

MAP 2╇Peloponnese

Hymn to Delos

Map 3╇Crete

Temple of Artemis The Letoion The Exedra

Temple of Apollo

25 Meters

Inset of Apollo Sanctuary

Stadium

Myrtussa Mt

Temple of Zeus Olympios

Temple of Demeter

500 Meters

MAP 4╇Cyrene

Doliche

Pitane Euripus Munychia

Gortynia

Halae Araphenides

Maenalion

Sardis Cayster

Ephesus

Taygetus

MAP 5╇ Locations in Hymn to Artemis

MAP 6╇ Locations in Hymn to Delos

Map 7╇Delos

"The Hyperboreans"

Malian Gulf Lelantine Plain Euboea

Andros Tenos

Ceos Delos

Callimachus & Herodotus

Callimachus

MAP 8╇ Route of Delian offerings

Herodotus

Callimac h u s

Introduction

Life and Works Callimachus of Cyrene was the most important poet of the Hellenistic age

He lived at the moment of transition from the classical world of old Greek city-states to the new foundation of Ptolemaic Alexandria in North Africa—a megacity that attracted people of diverse ethnicities from locations throughout the Mediterranean

Facilitated by this new environment,

Callimachus appropriated the literary past and positioned himself between poetry as performance in traditional venues and the new possibilities afforded by the text

His poems contain explicit statements on poetic aesthetics,

often constructed as responses to his “critics

” Whether these statements were serious and systematic,

and whether his enemies were real,

or fictional foils to dramatize his own aesthetics,

he was unique in his expression of what constituted excellence in contemporary poetics

His insistence on his own poetics as “new” in combination with his compositions in multiple genres provoked frequent and continuous imitation among later poets of both Greece and Rome

His was a remarkable creative range

His poetry included hymns,

iambic poetry (Iambi and the Ibis),

an elegiac poem of 4,000–6,000 lines on the origins of cultic practices throughout the Greek-speaking Mediterranean (Aetia),

a hexameter poem of about 1,000 lines on an early exploit of Theseus and the bull of Marathon (Hecale),

and encomia of kings and queens

According

his prose writing embraced numerous topics,

nomenclature of various locations,

and at least one essay that seems to have been about the critique of poetry (πρὸς Πραξιφάνην,

The most influential of his prose texts was the Pinakes,

a comprehensive listing of earlier Greek literature by genre that included biographies of each author,

citing their works with initial words or first lines

Theocritus,

Aratus,

Posidippus,

but unfortunately only his six hymns and around sixty of his epigrams have survived intact

The rest has been reduced to numerous citations in later Greek lexica and handbooks or,

beginning in the late nineteenth century,

has been discovered on papyrus

and much of what the ancient testimonia record is inference based on his writings

He claims to have been from the old Greek city of Cyrene in Libya,

slightly over 500 miles to the west of Alexandria

The city was founded in the seventh century bce

It was a Dorian colony settled by Arcadians,

Spartans,

Therans,

and its foundation myth was narrated in Herodotus (4

Callimachus includes a brief version in his Hymn to Apollo

In the following epigram for his father,

Callimachus claims to be related to the distinguished general of the same name,

who is attested in other Cyrenean sources: Ὅστις ἐμὸν παρὰ σῆμα φέρεις πόδα,

Καλλιμάχου με ἴσθι Κυρηναίου παῖδά τε καὶ γενέτην

εἰδείης δ’ ἄμφω κεν· ὁ μέν κοτε πατρίδος ὅπλων ἦρξεν,

ὁ δ’ ἤεισεν κρέσσονα βασκανίης

know that I am the child and father of Callimachus the Cyrenean

You would know both

One once led the armies of his homeland

the other sang beyond the reach of envy

Callimachus calls Cyrene “my city” and refers to “our kings” (lines 65 and 68)

) mentions Magas of Cyrene and his daughter Berenice

A number of his poems showcase members of the ruling house of Alexandria (the Ptolemies)

These include the Hymn to Delos,

in which the birth of Ptolemy II on Cos is prophesied by Apollo,

╯On the nature and importance of the Pinakes,

╯For the discovery and assembly of his texts from book and papyrus fragments,

Pontani 2011,

Introduction

and the first line from a poem that seems to have been written for the marriage of Arsinoe II to her full brother,

Ptolemy II (fr

an event that occurred between 279 and 274 bce

Callimachus also wrote on Arsinoe II’s death (fr

Two other fragmentary poems now incorporated into the Aetia feature Berenice II,

the daughter of Magas the king of Cyrene and wife of Ptolemy III: the Victory of Berenice,

at the opening of Aetia book 3,

commemorates the queen’s chariot victory at the Nemean Games in either 245 or 241

commemorates her marriage to Ptolemy III Euergetes in,

According to the Suda,

Callimachus also wrote poems (now lost) on the Gauls (the Galatea) and on Argos (the Foundation of Argos,

topics that seem calculated to support the self-fashioning of the ruling dynasty

but assertions that he traveled elsewhere are more problematic

An Athenian inscription that lists contributors to a special levy to aid the state includes the name Callimachus,

It has recently been re-dated to a period well within the poet’s lifetime (around 247 bce),

and therefore it may indicate his presence in Athens (Oliver 2002: 6)

Callimachus was not,

an uncommon name at Athens (cf

Kallimachos 1–3)

Further biographic details are less certain

The Suda claims that he was a schoolmaster (γραμματικός) in the Alexandrian suburb of Eleusis (T1 Pf

) asserts that he was a νεανίσκος τῆς αὐλῆς (“a youth of the court”),

a rank incompatible with the position of an elementary school teacher

Cameron argues persuasively that other members of his family were highly placed,

including a number who were known to be Cyrenaic philosophers (1995: 3–5)

Why or when Callimachus moved from Cyrene to Alexandria is not known,

and how long he resided in one or the other city is equally unclear

Between 275 and 246 the two cities were technically at war

Probably this did not require all traffic between them to cease

more probably exchanges continued,

especially in the long period of the betrothal of Magas’ daughter Berenice to the son of Ptolemy II (c

253–246)

Where Callimachus spent these years is not known,

though his poem on the death of Arsinoe suggests that he was in Alexandria at least in 270

According to Athenaeus (6

Callimachus recorded in his Pinakes that one Lysimachus wrote on the education of Attalus

The first Attalus of Pergamum took the throne only in 241,

so if Athenaeus’ statement is accurate,

then Callimachus must still have been writing in 240,

A controversial piece of evidence for Callimachus’ chronology is the elegiac epinician for Sosibius (frr

Athenaeus (4

╯For the successors of Alexander,

the Gauls had come to occupy the ideological space that the Persians held in the Classical age

and the Ptolemaic house traced its Greek lineage from Argos,

this elegy was written for a Sosibius who lived and wrote in the court of Cassander of Macedon

Cassander died in 297 bce,

so if the identification is correct,

the elegy would be Callimachus’ earliest known work,

belonging some time in the 290s,

and this presupposes a birthdate no later than 320–315

Most scholars now believe that Athenaeus was wrong and that the subject of the elegy was the notorious advisor of Ptolemy IV,

the Sosibius later responsible for the death of Berenice II

In this case,

the poem could not have been written much before 240 and may have been as late as 230

The epinician (fr

) itself is ambiguous: in lines 39–41 Callimachus’ speaker remarks: ἐκ δὲ διαύλου,

παρὰ σοὶ πρῶτον ἀεθλοφορεῖν | ε̣ἱ λ̣ ά̣ μεθα,

Πτολεμ[αῖ]ε (“we chose first to win a victory in the diaulos near by you,

Ptolemy son of Lagus”)

If the vocative refers to the living Soter,

then the poetic subject must be the earlier Sosibius,

but if the event recalled is the Ptolemaia,

the festival established by Philadelphus c

the epinician must be for the later Sosibius,

and the apostrophized Ptolemy not the living sovereign but the deified Soter heralded as protector of the games

Callimachus’ birth would need to fall around 305 (to accommodate the dating of hZeus to around 284) and his death sometime after 240

In this commentary I follow the later dating

Callimachus lived in Alexandria,

a city that had been founded within a generation of his birth

His was not the city described by Strabo,

who was writing at the end of the first century ce,

but a city in the process of being built: high levels of immigration,

and rapid growth would have persisted during his lifetime

This earlier city had some sort of walls (the first mention of which is actually by Callimachus in Iambus 1),

and the Museion (which may or may not have included the Library)

The lighthouse was built between 297 and 285

the stadium (Lageion) was probably completed by the time of the Ptolemaia

Polybius is the first to mention the theater (15

though these may well have been earlier constructions since documents refer to festivals of Demeter as early as 257 (Perpillou-Thomas 1993: 78–81)

These were likely to have been constructed after Arsinoe II’s death in 270,

and the latter seems never to have been finished

Within this rapidly expanding civic environment,

the Greek community was a diverse mix

To judge from papyrus evidence drawn from the rest of Egypt,

╯See Fraser 1972: 2

╯For details of Alexandrian monuments organized chronologically,

Introduction

Greek-speaking groups in descending order of concentration would have included Macedonians (mainly the soldiers),

Cyreneans,

Thracians,

and the fact of migration itself constituted an essential dimension of poetic reception

Thus Callimachus reflects the variety of these ethnic groups in the hymns themselves: if hZeus was written for the Basileia,

it was likely to have been the Macedonian holiday transplanted to Egypt

Cyrene figures in hAp

are featured in hArt and hDelos

Argos (hAth) and Thessaly (hDem) were regions with strong Ptolemaic connections

Callimachus and His Contemporaries Callimachus did not write in a literary vacuum: Ptolemaic Alexandria was a fertile,

in part because monarchic patronage strove to make it so,

in part because the new city provided opportunities in so many different venues,

not the least of which was the newly established Library

Although Callimachus himself was never head of the Library,

his composition of the Pinakes and the breadth of his poetic and prose intertexts testifies to his active engagement with this new (textual) mode of thinking

His prose works on paradoxography,

and on Foundations of Islands and Cities and Their Name Changes are all reflected in his hymns

So too were other contemporary prose writers

Demetrius of Phalerum,

Callimachus uses Aesop in his own poetry

Euhemerus wrote the Sacred Register,

notorious for its claims that Zeus and other gods had first been mortals who subsequently came to be worshipped for their benefits to mankind

Callimachus locates Euhemerus in Alexandria in his first Iambus (fr

10–11 Pf

making him an old man “scribbling his unrighteous books

” Callimachus’ most important poetic contemporaries included Theocritus of Syracuse,

the inventor of the bucolic genre

Associated with Sicily and Cos,

he was among the earliest Hellenistic poets,

and his residence in Alexandria most probably belongs between the 280s and the 260s

His Encomium of Ptolemy II (Idyll 17) and Heracliscus (Idyll 24) share numerous verbal and thematic parallels with Callimachus’ Hymn to Zeus and Hymn to Delos (Stephens 2003: 123–70)

╯See Mueller 2005

In addition to ethnic Greeks,

about 50% of the early population would have been Egyptian,

and there were non-Greek immigrants from other regions of the Mediterranean (e

The large concentration of Jews dates to the second century,

and would not have been part of Callimachus’ potential audience

for Helen and Menelaus (Idyll 18) has close verbal parallels in the Hymn to Athena (F

Griffiths 1979: 89–90)

Aratus of Soli (c

a didactic treatment of Eudoxus’ astronomy that was subsequently of great influence on Latin poetry

He probably wrote in the court of Antigonus Gonatas of Macedon,

and he may never have been in Alexandria

Nonetheless,

the proem to Zeus and other passages in the Phaenomena have clear parallels with Callimachus’ hymns,

even though priority cannot be established (Cuypers 2004: 102)

Epigrammatists from a variety of locations also achieved prominence during this period

Their epigrams,

often imitating earlier stone inscriptions,

were beginning to be collected into poetry books

The most important of these writers were Asclepiades of Samos and Posidippus of Pella

A roll of more than a hundred epigrams of the latter,

datable to the late third century bce,

The epigrams of this new collection share many features in common with Callimachus’ poetry,

including an emphasis on the athletic victories of Ptolemaic queens

Apollonius of Rhodes,

whose surviving poem is the epic Argonautica,

is thought to have been a native Alexandrian and a slightly younger contemporary of Callimachus

He followed Zenodotus as head of the Alexandrian Library

The Suda makes him Callimachus’ μαθητής (T 11a Pf

Few scholars believe Apollonius was in fact Callimachus’ pupil,

but the term does imply a degree of artistic closeness that is borne out by the poems

A few examples will suffice to illustrate the relationship between the Argonautica and the hymns: Apollonius’ poem has a hymnic opening and closing (1

1773–81)

the beginning of the Argonautica includes references to Zeus,

Apollo,

508–9,

536–39,

the scene of Zeus’s childhood on Crete appears twice,

once in the context of Orpheus’ cosmogony (1

Aphrodite’s description of the ball given to Zeus by his nurse Adrasteia includes several allusions to hZeus (e

the narratives of Paraebius and of Phineus in book 2 are parallel to the paired narratives of hAth and hDem,

not least because they evidently wrote in response to each others’ texts

But we know so little about strategies of poetic exchange—whether informal or public—that assertions about allusive priority must be made with extreme caution

The obviously shared subject matter of these poets indicates a rich and very interactive poetic environment,

while also suggesting the growing importance of the text as a viable poetic and ideological medium

╯See Stephens  2003: 200–10 (on hZeus,

Köhnken  2003 (on hAp,

hDelos)

Eichgrün 1961: 111–18 (on hArt)

Introduction

The Hymnic Tradition and Callimachus’ Hymns Hymns were among the oldest and most enduring elements in what comes to be the Greek poetic repertory

Hymns survive on stone and in manuscripts from the earliest recorded writing to the end of antiquity

They take many forms over time,

and share many features with choral song

they were formal addresses to a god or group of gods on behalf of a community

That address could call upon the god in the second person (sometimes called Du-Stil) or speak about the god in the third person (sometimes called Er-Stil),

or speak in the first person on behalf of the group

Hymns may have been sung by a communal group in unison,

or performed by a chorus with musical accompaniment and dance,

They might even be in prose like the so-called Isis aretalogies

Traditionally,

scholars have divided hymns into cultic,

depending on the assumed context of performance and audience

Cultic hymns were sung and/or danced performances for specific deities and in specific locations (e

To the extent that they survive,

they were inscribed on stone (like the Palaikastro hymn) or cited in a later Greek author (see,

which is discussed in the introduction to hAth)

Hymnlike lyric monody can be found in the archaic poets (e

Sappho,

Alcaeus,

Alcman,

Pindar,

Bacchylides),

though scholars are divided about whether they were performed in cultic environments in real time (see,

Athanassaki 2009: 242–43)

Hymns were also a prominent feature within the choruses of Greek tragedy and comedy,

although removed from local performance,

are helpful in understanding the structure and ubiquity of the genre (see,

Swift 2010)

Cult hymns vary in length: many are under thirty lines

But the formal elements of all types of hymns are more or less consistent,

which prompts the following schematic:8 1

The invocation (epiklesis),

The name will naturally occur at the beginning of a hymn,

accompanied by relevant cult titles and epithets

In this formal opening there may be a genealogy that links the god to a particular place (see,

hZeus 5–14),

and companion deities may also be mentioned

Praise of the divinity (eulogia,

This has various parts that may be more or less elaborated

They include a listing of the god’s

╯See Furley and Bremer 2001: 1

and throughout for examples of Greek hymns

reminders of past benefits that the god has conferred on worshippers,

a narrative of the god’s birth and relevant deeds of prowess (e

descriptions of the god’s favorite locales and activities,

interspersed throughout with repeated addresses

The prayer

Usually introduced by χαῖρε or other form of χαίρω,

it expresses the community’s gratitude,

for which it hopes for favor in return (see,

hZeus 91–94)

This section may include imperatives to summon the god to appear

thirty-three hexameter hymns in an epic dialect were transmitted under the name of Homer,

though compositional dates and provenances vary

but there are six major hymns ranging in size from forty-nine lines (to Pan) to 580 lines (to Hermes)

There is also a Hymn to Dionysus,

from which about sixty of the original 400+ lines survive (see West 2011: 29–43)

This hymn seems to have opened the collection in the manuscript tradition

Most of these hymns begin by naming the god in the third person,

or calling upon the Muses to help the singer best hymn the god,

though the hymns to Dionysus and Apollo open with a Du-Stil address to the god himself

Homeric hymns continue with the standard attention to the god’s birth,

the narratives of which in the hymns to Dionysus,

Demeter,

Apollo,

Hermes,

and Aphrodite have been expanded over several hundred lines

They close with a greeting to the god (at this juncture the poet often uses the first person) and may call for another song (see,

HhAphr 292–93: χαῖρε,

θεά,

Κύπροιο ἐϋκτιμένης μεδέουσα· | σεῦ δ’ ἐγὼ ἀρξάμενος μεταβήσομαι ἄλλον εἰς ὕμνον [“Hail,

guardian of well-cultivated Cyprus

Having begun with you,

I will turn to another hymn”])

They will sometimes have internal references to performance (see,

HhAp 171–78)

Homeric hymns are thought not to have been composed for a specific cultic event,

but are classified as “rhapsodic,” from the practice in rhapsodic performance of beginning with a prooimion or prelude to the main event with a hymn (see Pi

The likely location for performance of these hymns would have been rhapsodic competitions at Panhellenic centers and also,

Clay (1989: 3–16) has suggested,

These 9

╯Menander Rhetor (1

the most significant of which are cletic (containing invocations of the god)

those written by philosophers expounding the nature of the deity

Elements from all of these types may be found in Callimachus’ hymns

╯See Faulkner 2011b: 7–16 for a discussion of dating of the individual hymns

In his view almost all would have been written by 300 bce,

and thus available to Callimachus

Introduction

hymns were transmitted as a group,

along with Callimachus’ six hymns,

Orphic hymns,

it is clear that Callimachus both knew the Homeric hymns individually,

and drew freely from the hymns to Dionysus,

Demeter,

Apollo,

Hermes,

Aphrodite,

Callimachus’ hymns fall into two groups,

usually described as non-mimetic and mimetic

11 HZeus,

and hDelos are “non-mimetic”

the speaker begins by invoking the god by name and proceeds to narrate his or her deeds in accordance with the schematic set out above

and hDem are “mimetic”: the same parts are present but somewhat rearranged and presented as an immediate event taking place in the presence of the hearer or reader

The speaker creates the mise en scène of the ritual,

invoking the participants and inserting a mythological narrative about the divinity into this frame

This mimetic effect is found also in choral lyric,

particularly in forms like paean or prosodion,

and Callimachus very likely modeled his own practice on these familiar antecedents

Like the Homeric,

Callimachus’ hymns are in stichic meters (hexameter,

which means that they would not have been sung or danced,

though they too may have been recited

(The majority of cult hymns in contrast is strophic

) Scholars have long debated the exact relationship of Callimachus’ hymns to real cultic events and to serious religious ideas

The consensus in the last forty years has been that the hymns were elegantly contrived poetic or metapoetic experiments that mimicked the hymnic form but lacked religious focus or content (e

Bing 2009: 33–48,

Depew 1993)

Thus they have been designated “literary,” a category for which there were certainly contemporary examples: Philicus wrote a hymn to Demeter (GLP 90 = SH 676–80) that he specifically addressed to Alexandrian scholars (γραμματικοί) and Cleanthes’ Stoic Hymn to Zeus was surely restricted to philosophical and literary circles

But it is important to note that even if these hymns were not attached to cultic events,

they were not necessarily devoid of religious significance,

and the Stoic hymn points in a direction that may be relevant for Callimachus

Philosophical debate over the nature of divinity is reflected in Cleanthes’ hymn as Zeus is praised as the Stoic universal and first cause

and more recent trends have been to identify elements of the hymns as having analogues in known cult practice and in inscribed hymns but to reserve final judgment on whether,

╯See Harder 1992 for a detailed discussion of these terms

at 384 she makes the important observation that the distinction (mimetic,

non-mimetic) obscures the “subtle play of diegesis and mimesis which pervades the whole collection of hymns and gives it a certain unity

╯For a text and commentary on Cleanthes’ hymn see Hopkinson 1989: 27–28,

131–36

or where the hymns were or could have been performed

deliberately to blur the distinction between a one-time real performance event and a carefully contrived fiction

He positions his poems to be both the mimesis of a specific event,

as the cultic hymns seem to be,

and the text that first creates,

then enables the continual recreation of the event (see Acosta-Hughes and Stephens 2012: 145–47)

Finally the extent to which mimicry was already incorporated in ancient ritual practices,

particularly processions (see,

Connelly 2007: 104–15),

might be significant for Callimachus’ compositional style,

especially in the case of the mimetic hymns

There can be no doubt that Callimachus consciously engages in a literary recollection of earlier poetic practice

In his treatment of cults in the hymns he adapts a lyric or hymnic persona,

But the cultic information in each of these hymns,

accurately reflects contemporary religious practices

Certainly the locations Callimachus chooses to mention are often cult centers of the deity in question that are newly created or have been recently revived (e

Lycaeon in hZeus,

Ephesus in hArt)

It is also important to realize that archaeologists and scholars of ancient religion often rely upon Callimachus’ hymns for local cultic information

While this by no means guarantees that Callimachus’ information is accurate,

it does guarantee that experts have not found it to be in error or to contradict what physical remains can tell them

newly established festivals in Ptolemaic Alexandria (e

Basileia,

Ptolemaia,

Arsinoeia),

continuing traditions of rhapsodic performance,

and symposia of the Successors—at which Callimachus’ hymns could have been performed,

although this is not to say that they were

The Hymns as a Collection Whether it is Callimachus himself who is responsible or a later editor,

the hymns give every indication of being a carefully arranged collection at both formal and thematic levels

The six hymns fall into three pairs

HZeus and hAp locate their divinities respectively in Alexandria and Cyrene and insist on the closeness of the two divinities—Apollo (hAp 29) sits at the right hand of Zeus

These two,

╯ For a summary of the debate with relevant bibliography see Petrovic 2011: 264–65

Hunter and Fuhrer 2002 and Vamvouri Ruffy 2004 discuss the theology of Callimachus’ hymns in the context of early Ptolemaic Alexandria

Petrovic 2007, 2011 in terms of contemporary cultic practices

╯See,

Billot 1997–98 on Argive legends or Laronde 1987: 362–65 on the Carneia

Introduction

focus on one specific area of concern for the divinity: kings for Zeus and song for Apollo

Both feature movement from north to south

The twin children of Leto—Artemis and Apollo—are the subjects of the next two hymns,

Both divinities move from the central to the eastern Â�Mediterranean and both hymns end with vignettes of cult-sites important to the Ptolemies—Ephesus and Delos respectively

Both portray these cult-sites as under attack and successfully defended

Both are alive with cultic song and dance

The final pair feature Athena and Demeter in closely parallel narratives (see Hopkinson’s very full analysis,

13–17)

Both are mimetic with inserted tales of young men from whom the goddess exacts retribution: Athena takes away the sight of Tiresias for accidentally seeing her as she bathed in the wild

Demeter punishes Erysichthon for deliberately trying to cut down her sacred tree

In contrast to the first four hymns written in epic Ionic,

these two are in the Doric dialect

Callimachus’ hymns reflect the Homeric hymns in the following ways: the opening of the first hymn,

echoes the opening of the now fragmentary HhDion,

which may have been the first hymn in the earlier collection,

while the precocity of Zeus owes something to HhHerm

HArt depends on HhAp for its overall structure: like the earlier hymn,

the first of which seems to provide closure,

after which the hymn begins again

HhPan has influenced the Arcadian section of this hymn

HDelos reflects the Delian portion of HhAp

HDem exists in counterpoint with HhDem,

Finally,

hAp reprises moments in HhAp,

but its Cyrenean focus and paeanlike refrain makes it the least “Homeric” of the hymns

(See further Acosta-Hughes and Cusset 2012

) The order of the individual hymns describes an arc,

with the two longest in the center

their respective lengths are: 96 lines,

113 lines,

268 lines,

326 lines,

142 lines,

Hymns for two male divinities open,

hymns for two female divinities close the group,

and hymns devoted to Artemis and Apollo and their mother Leto occupy the center

Two-thirds of the way through the collection we find Apollo prophesying the birth of Ptolemy II on Cos and his subsequent rule over Egypt (hDelos 162–70)

The mimetic and non-mimetic hymns are loosely interwoven: non-mimetic (hZeus),

The middle four all have large narrative sections on specific cults—Cyrene,

Ephesus,

though hZeus is surely for Alexandria,

though a number of scholars have argued for other locations (see p

If the first and last are centered on Alexandria,

that might account for their flanking positions and perhaps for their lack of local specificity

The first four insist on the divine family of Zeus,

is hostile to both mother and children

Zeus pointedly remarks,

“When goddesses would bear me such children as this,

I would have little

concern for the jealousy of an angry Hera” (hArt 29–31)

Her wrathful pursuit of the pregnant Leto throughout the Mediterranean prevents Apollo’s birth

The narratives include birth stories (hZeus,

hDelos),

divinities growing into their maturity (hZeus,

goddesses punishing transgressors (hArt,

Maternity is a strong theme in the last three

fathers and sons to a lesser extent in hZeus and hDem

The hymns show a large number of unique verbal repetitions between one another

These have been most recently studied by Ukleja 2005: 21–108,

and many are indicated in the notes below

The Hymns and the Ptolemies When Ptolemy I Soter became king of Egypt,

he was required to rule two distinctly different populations: ethnic Greeks and Greek-speakers immigrating into the new city of Alexandria and the much larger native Egyptian population of the chora

He solidified his hold externally by engaging in strategic �alliances and occasional wars with his fellow Diadochs,

while internally he supported native priesthoods in the building of Egyptian temples and engaged in the rituals that were essential to Egyptian belief

The pharaoh was the liaison between the human and divine spheres and responsible for cosmic and social order

That the Ptolemies ruled their Egyptian subjects as pharaohs is abundantly clear from trilingual inscriptions like the Pithom Stele and the Rosetta stone

The city of Alexandria incorporated Egyptian cults,

and Egyptian artifacts seem to have been imported to adorn it

Ptolemy II,

imported an obelisk for his sister-wife’s funerary temple and the foundations of the Serapeium had inscriptions in hieroglyphics as well as Greek

Callimachus’ hymns (and Theocritus’ idylls 15,

and 24) include references not only to the Ptolemies in their role as Greek sovereigns but also elements that parallel myths central to pharaonic ideology (these are indicated in the notes on individual hymns)

Below is a list of those Ptolemies who figure in discussion of the hymns,

whether in Greek or Egyptian historical context

Ptolemy I (Soter) c

367–283,

â•… He was one of Alexander’s generals,

who claimed Egypt as his portion in the division of the empire at Alexander’s death in 323 bce

He had a number of children by Eurydice,

However,

he divorced Eurydice and married Berenice I,

who gave him at least four children,

three of whom are important for the hymns: Arsinoe II,

Ptolemy II,

He was deified with Berenice I as Theoi Soteres after his death

Introduction

Ptolemy II (Philadelphus) 308–246

â•… He was the son of Ptolemy I and Berenice I

The youngest of Ptolemy’s sons,

he inherited the throne in preference to his older brothers

He first married Arsinoe I,

the daughter of Lysimachus of Thrace

The marriage produced a number of children,

including Ptolemy III (Euergetes) and Berenice Syra

He then married his full sister,

Arsinoe II

He and Arsinoe were deified after 270 as Theoi Adelphoi

Arsinoe II 316–270

â•… She was daughter of Ptolemy I and Berenice I

She was first married to Lysimachus of Thrace from 300/299 until his death in 281

Then briefly,

to her half-brother Ptolemy Ceraunus (the son of Ptolemy I and Eurydice,

and sometime king of Macedon),

who was instrumental in killing her children by Lysimachus

After these events she returned to Egypt and married her full brother sometime between 279 and 274

She died in 270 and was deified

The temple at Cape Zephyrium,

about 15 miles east of Alexandria,

there she was worshipped as Arsinoe-Aphrodite

She was widely worshipped throughout Egypt proper,

being co-templed with native gods

During her brother-husband’s reign a number of cities throughout the Mediterranean were renamed “Arsinoe” in her honor

?â•… She was the full sister of Ptolemy II and Arsinoe II

She died shortly before Arsinoe II and was deified,

and perhaps co-templed with her sister in Alexandria (see Fraser 1972: 2

377n314)

She is associated with Demeter in Callimachus’ Ektheosis of Arsinoe (fr

43–45 Pf

A number of towns were named after her

Magas of Cyrene c

317 to 250

â•… The son of Berenice I and a Philip of Macedon,

he ruled Cyrene as regent for his stepfather,

before he revolted to become its sole ruler around 275 bce

His daughter,

Berenice II,

was betrothed to Ptolemy III Euergetes and,

was finally married to him in 246

Ptolemy III (Euergetes) c

284–222

╅ He was associated with his father as co-� regent and was sole ruler of Egypt from 246 to 222

He was betrothed to Berenice II for several years before the marriage in 246

Berenice Syra c

280–246

â•… The daughter of Ptolemy II and Arsinoe I,

she was called “Syra” because of her marriage to the Seleucid king,

Antiochus II,

╯For a recent biography of this queen see Carney 2013

divorced his first wife Laodice in order to marry her

Antiochus was murdered shortly after the death of Ptolemy II in 246

Berenice claimed the regency for her son,

but they were quickly murdered

Posidippus has written a number of epigrams for her victories in chariot-racing at the Panhellenic games

â•… The daughter of Magas of Cyrene,

She is featured in two of Callimachus’ poems—the Victory of Berenice (celebrating her chariot victory at the Nemean games) and the Lock of Berenice (a dedication for the safe return of her husband from the Syrian war)

These poems open the third and close the fourth book of the Aetia

She was murdered at the instigation of her son,

Ptolemy IV

Dating the Hymns If the hymns were an authorially organized collection,

they do not appear to have been written at the same time

At a conservative estimate,

there seems to be a range of five to ten years between hZeus and hDelos,

and possibly as much as a forty-year span between hZeus and hAp

Dates for individual hymns have been assigned by three different criteria: (1) internal stylistic considerations

(2) events or people mentioned in the hymns for which an external date can be established

and (3) textual borrowings by or from Callimachus or self-referentiality between one and another of Callimachus’ poems

All three are problematic,

but (1) and (3) especially so,

since they often are based on scholarly preferences rather than demonstrable facts

Internal stylistic criteria include arguments about maturity of style and more objective comparison of metrical phenomena

The criterion of maturity of style,

when applied to this or that hymn,

founders on the fact that much of Callimachus’ truly mature work,

is now too fragmentary to underpin the discussion

Arguments from predictable metrical features have similar drawbacks

Although Callimachus has clearly defined metrical preferences for both his hexameters and his elegiac couplets,

the corpus of the hexameter hymns is only 942 lines

the now fragmentary Hecale would have been at least as long,

and there were other hexameter and elegiac poems that have not survived

the metrical data from the hymns are only partial and insufficient to gauge the validity of apparent trends

Kaibel’s (1877: 327) argument for an

╯I follow the scholarly consensus (but note that Clayman 2014: 146–58,

argues that the Berenice in question is Berenice II)

╯For a recent biography of this queen,

Introduction

order based on increasing presence of the bucolic dieresis,

results in an ordering of hDem,

However,

the apparent linear progression includes a large gap between the first five (bucolic dieresis omitted once in every 11,

If external criteria are factored in,

the early date for hZeus would require the first three hymns to have been written before or around 280 and all six to have been composed by c

While in principle there is nothing wrong with this early assignment of the hymns,

apart from the criterion of increasing bucolic diereses,

Moreover,

observation of a different metrical phenomenon,

yields a different order: the frequency decreases from hZeus (15 per cent) to hDelos (3 per cent),

though this too is unlikely to correlate with compositional order

External events provide a slightly more reliable tool,

though this criterion also suffers from editorial subjectivity

Of the six hymns,

all mention contemporary kings

While many scholars have dismissed these references in hZeus and hAp as conventional and see no need to identify which king lies behind the remark (see,

Williams p

the reference in hDelos is undeniably specific,

and this fact would militate against these other references being generic

Further,

whether a poem was ever performed or simply circulated,

must have coincided with the reign of one or another monarch whose existence would have conditioned a local audience’s response,

a response of which Callimachus could hardly have been unaware,

since he capitalized on it in hDelos

Thus when the Hymn to Zeus draws an explicit parallel between the swiftness with which Zeus accomplishes his deeds and “our king” (86: ἡμετέρῳ μεδέοντι),

the identity of the sitting monarch will necessarily form part of the reception

Allusions in the text,

point to two: according to Justin (13

â•›

â•›

â•›fell to Ptolemy by lot” (Ptolemaeo Aegyptusâ•›

â•›

â•›

â•›sorte evenit),

an event to which Callimachus seemingly alludes in lines 62–64 (Carrière 1969)

He declares the story that Zeus and his brothers drew lots for their domains to be an implausible fiction,

which in turn undermines any tale that Ptolemy I got Egypt by chance as opposed to capability or conquest

But a few lines before Â�(58–59) Callimachus claimed that Zeus’s siblings “although they were older,

did not begrudge you heaven to hold as your allotted home

” This is a unique and pointed comment on the mythological division but would not apply to Ptolemy I

It does to Philadelphus

The youngest of Soter’s sons,

he acceded to the throne while his older brothers lived

The goodwill among them did not last much beyond Soter’s death,

which gives a narrow window for the allusion to be appropriate and thus for the composition of the hymn (roughly 285–280)

Moreover,

the explicit discussion of youth,

and coming-of-age makes sense for Ptolemy II,

but hardly sustainable for Soter,

who was 44 at the division of Alexander’s empire in Babylon and 61 when he declared himself king of Egypt in 306 bce

A solution that accounts for both allusions is to locate the hymn at the time of the co-regency between father and son (285–283)

allusive conflation of the two monarchs would then suggest continuity of rule

The Hymn to Delos includes an explicit reference to the living monarch,

Ptolemy II

The as yet unborn Apollo prophesies this king’s future birth on Cos (162–70)

It is also the only one of the six hymns that mentions a contemporary military event (162–95)

Ptolemy II had hired four thousand Celtic mercenaries for his war against Magas,

However,

Magas was forced to retreat because of a rebellion of Libyan nomads,

and Ptolemy’s mercenaries subsequently mutinied

According to Pausanias (1

they were lured onto an island in the Delta and either burned or starved to death (Hölbl 2001: 39 and n18)

These events took place around 275 bce

A terminus ante quem for the hymn is the reference to Phoenician Corsica

This island could only have been “Phoenician” before the decisive battle of the First Punic War,

waged for the island b